New Moon 1/4/31/120

Dear Friends,

Kissinger’s Globalism.

On 29 May 2008, Henry Kissinger released a paper titled Overdue for overhaul. It was published in the media without comment. Kissinger commences with the comment

“FOR the first time in history, a genuinely global economic system has come into being with prospects of heretofore unimagined wellbeing. At the same time, paradoxically, the process of globalisation tempts a nationalism that threatens its fulfilment.”

Firstly, the claims regarding a genuinely global system unimagined well being is a conjectural statement of Kissinger with very little evidence in reality. The elitists that he represents have in fact placed the world on a financial precipice and many of them will be under investigation for the fraudulent disruption of the World’s economic system.

Kissinger claims that: “The basic premise of globalisation is that competition will sort out the most efficient, a process that by definition involves winners and losers. If there are perennial losers, they will turn to their familiar political institutions for relief. They will not be mollified by the valid proposition that the benefits of global growth far outstrip its costs. Moreover, to remain competitive, many countries are obliged to abridge their social legislation, a task bound to generate domestic protests. In periods of economic distress, these trends are magnified. The debate over trade policy in the US presidential campaign is a case in point. “

Indeed we are seeing that there is an increasing gap between the haves and the have nots and the abandoning of the concepts of social welfare responsibilities in Health, Employment and Social Security is an increasing cry of the Neocons and the Libertarians as well given what they are saying about health and given the outrageous costs of the US health system and its disregard for human welfare.

Kissinger argues that in industrialised countries, globalisation has an impact on domestic politics in two ways.

1. Improved productivity generates the paradox of enhanced wellbeing, accompanied by higher unemployment.
2. At the same time, there occurs a migration away from menial jobs, which are then filled by workers from abroad. A clash of cultures and a nationalism advocating exclusion develop. Variations of protectionism thereby acquire a domestic base.

He argues that the trend occurs even within the productive sector of the industrialised world.

Kissinger argues that the Internet connects corporations to similar industrial and financial institutions across the world forming transnational corporations that operate in the global marketplace served by staff that has “longer tenure than those of governments and fewer restriction on their analyses”

He goes on to argue that enterprises that remain dependent on the national economy generally do not have the same opportunities.  He argues that these corporations employ the labour force with the lowest wages and bleakest prospects and tend to rely on more limited markets and on national political process.

He makes the argument that the transnational companies advocate free trade and free movement of capital while the national companies and trade unions often push for protectionism. He argues that the economic crises magnify these tendencies but that the globalised financial system has produced periodic crises almost as predictably as it sustained growth. Examples being in Latin America in the 1980s, in Mexico in 1994, in Asia in 1997, in Russia in 1998, in the US in 2001 and then again starting in 2007.

He argues that: “While each crisis had a different trigger, their common features have been profligate speculation and systemic underappreciation of risk.”

A key issue that is facing any economist, social scientist or philosopher is the increasing role of speculative capital. This speculative capital is left free to rush in based on opportunism and shed the market at the first sign of trouble turning upswings into bubbles and downward cycles into market collapses.

The effect of these international financial manipulations see countries gutted of industry and their security placed at risk by large-scale investors. What Kissinger does not mention is that these Globalists have tied the workers into the system through the pension funds and bleed the funds by this form of speculation. There are serious moral and ethical issues that Kissinger does not adequately canvas either though ignorance or indifference to the outcomes.

Kissinger poses the important questions of the strategic impact of Globalisation on two levels.

1. Are there industries indispensable for national security in which foreign investment should be limited or even precluded?
2. What industries must be kept from collapsing to maintain our nation's defence capability?

He rightly says, “The answers to these questions clearly lend themselves to abuse.”

What the national interest dictates faces the international system with a paradox.

The paradox as Kissinger sees it is that: “Its prosperity is dependent on the success of globalisation, but that process produces a dialectic that can work counter to its aspiration.”

Consequently Kissinger sees that the political limitations on the managers of Globalisation present them with incentives that are incongruent with the economic objectives of the managers of the Globalisation.

Thus Kissinger sees the political objectives of the Nation State as incongruent with those of International Globalisation.

He then argues that the problem does not lie with the International Global system and its “great success.”

He argues that the first imperative is to recognise that the problems are the blemishes of this great success. Thus we should not allow debate about shortcomings of the process to degenerate into attacks on its basic conceptual framework “as has happened too frequently in the presidential campaign.”

He pleads that “Political leaders must avoid - not encourage - the protectionism that led to disaster in the 1930s. “

We will discuss this claim regarding the protectionism of the 1930s being the cause of the problems of that era later.

Another basic premise of Kissinger is that:

* “The parameters of the national security limits to globalisation should be established on a national basis rather than left to pressure groups, lobbyists and electoral politics. The next administration should establish a bipartisan commission at the highest level to study what constitutes an indispensable strategic US industrial and technological base and the measures to preserve it."

Then Kissinger makes what should have been an obvious conclusion that was overlooked by the administration he was part of and which all the previous four administrations had ignored. That is regarding the role of education in equipping the nation for this competition of international globalisation that he and the exclusivist school inflicted on the US and the rest of the world. He asserts we must take a hard look at the educational system that produces too few engineers and technologists in comparison wiht US competitors. Yet it was the very system of “dumbing down” the US that commenced with these Globalists and Neocons of the Internationalist Socialist corps in the US system.

Kissinger thinks we should determine simply what is essential for national security, not to shield others from the competition essential for global growth.  He asserts that the line will be difficult to draw and the efforts risk political manipulation. However, he argues that the problem will not disappear and at some point in the future will become unmanageable.

Kissinger argues that international economic institutions “need to be made relevant to present economic and social challenges.” The annual G8 summit, originated in 1975 (meeting at Rambouillet near Paris) as a meeting of six countries, with Canada added in 1976 and Russia in 1988. It was a meeting of six industrial democracies attended by its three participants which included the political head, and one staff member to facilitate full and frank discussions. Since then they have become large assemblies serving essentially political ends and they should be restored to their original purpose dealing with issues affecting the long term heath of the global economy.

Kissinger sees this as including the provision of opportunities to societies left behind to participate in global growth including India, China and potentially Brazil.
 
He argues then that the original “Group of Seven industrial democracies continue to meet at the level of finance ministers during the G8 meetings. This G7 should be charged, above all, with addressing in a systematic manner the domestic and social distortions caused by the process of globalisation. “

Kissinger argues that the International Monetary Fund as presently constituted is an anachronism. Its basis as a lending institution to government has been overtaken by the practices within the private sector in the 21st century and needs to be reformed.

You will see this argument developed to create regional central banks and overturn nation economic management. The grouping of the Economic summits is designed to regionalise world economics.

In what is an obvious statement he argues that the lending practices which produced the US economic crisis and the resulting world blow out  “requires urgent attention and greater international cooperation”

He says that: Profligate and obscurantist practices were evident long before the crisis struck. They were made possible by the invention of financial instruments that encouraged speculation while obscuring the nature of obligations.
In the sub-prime mortgage debacle, lenders lost the ability to estimate the extent of their obligations and the indebted to understand the implications of their commitments. Regulators did not intervene, perhaps because their authority was insufficient or because the market was awash with opaque financial instruments that obscured the risk. “

He neglects to address the obvious problems of the Bush administration’s failures and the obvious involvement of the Secretary of the Treasury. The US financial system has been very seriously damaged by the dishonest practices of the system in inducing the crisis. It is argued by many experts that this crisis was not accidental and is now being investigated to determine how the private sector managed to virtually wreck the world economy and avoid detection in doing so until it was too late to prevent it and then these corporate criminals had to be bailed out to protect the very structure of the system itself. These financial institutions including investment banks and hedge funds need to be regulated in the taxpayer’s interest. Kissinger does not mention the deliberately induced oil crisis that has no basis in reality and is the product of private speculation which is destroying the lives of thousands of innocent people. There is an obvious moral conflict when these institutions are allowed to manipulate funds and make enormous profits and then get bailed out of debt on the grounds they are too large to be allowed to collapse. This corruption and speculative activity needs to be punished severely and all funds expropriated as the proceeds of criminal activity.

Kissinger argues, “If the gap between the economic and political orders of the world is not substantially narrowed, the two structures will wind up weakening each other.”  This is in essence an appeal to the regionalisation of political order to control the economic, which was used to justify the grounds for the elimination of the political nation state. The aim this year is to fuse a political cross party system in the US to alter the constitutional base of the US and in Britain and Australia and elsewhere. You will note the cross party agenda being discussed by the US candidates already. There is only one system in the US with two heads.

Globalisation is a structure that is being used to enslave the world and there is a very grim future ahead for those enslaved by it. The Great Depression of the 1930s was engineered by financiers and only stopped when the banks were ordered to free up credit and allow business to develop and that was forced to accelerate by WWII and the bankers financed both sides of the war without punishment.

The aim is to overcome the nation state and incorporate the political mechanism in accordance with the economic mechanisms at a supra-national level so that no nation can be free of it and the bureaucrats who run it are simply the elitist puppets of a money class that feeds off the labour of its slaves.

It is Leninist Fascism at its worst. The arguments re security are simply to be able to protect the military industrial complex that enables the enforcement of the New World Order.

Soon a human will have virtually no worth. At present a human life is worth about $129,000 (NEWS BRIEF: "The Value of a Human Life: $129,000", Time/CNN, May 20, 2008)
 The reality of human life is that it is priced at $50,000 in the US. The Nazi system under the Germans where the term quality of life was introduced to justify euthanasia and then step by step allow medical authorities to determine treatment and order death is now under way in the US and elsewhere.
As the article states: “How close is this situation to happen in America? Fifteen years ago, a survivor of the Nazi Death Camps wrote a book he could not get published. Dr. Wolfensberger wrote, "The New Genocide of Handicapped And Afflicted People". He concluded that, by the early 1990's, American physicians were killing patients on a large scale, just as German doctors were doing before Hitler.
Dr. Wolfensberger stated that the time had arrived when loved ones of a "devalued person" had better sit at the bedside 24 hours a day, watching what the doctor is doing and what he is prescribing. Otherwise, your loved one might not make it out of the hospital alive!”
Globalisation will allow a mean standard of life that is effectively aimed at the elimination of the majority of humans.

The Bible is clear as to what Satan’s aim is in this matter and how if it were not for the intervention of Christ there would be no flesh saved alive.

Wade Cox
Coordinator General